Unity, synchronicity, power, and practiced perfection, these are the trademarks of a modern day taiko performance. Often staged in a large music hall, the performances are spectacles both for the eyes and the ears. Drums of various sizes, from the small handheld uchiwa-daiko to the massive 500-pound odaiko, grace the stage as performers with a seemingly boundless supply of energy rattle off rhythms while carrying out precisely choreographed movements. With this brilliant spectacle of choreography and musicianship making its home so comfortably on stage, it may be difficult to imagine, but traditional Japanese drumming, or taiko, has come a long way in the last half century from its place in the traditional Japanese setting and into the context of a modern day performance art. From the inception of taiko into traditional Japanese culture to its shift into the modern day kumi-daiko, or ensemble playing, the history of taiko is one as rich and as brilliant as the art itself. Chosen initially to represent a return to the traditional arts in post-war Japan, taiko has since grown to become a uniquely universal form of drumming.

The history of taiko, both in terms of the instrument itself and as a traditional art form, is one still permeated with mystery and uncertainty. In general, the first instruments to appear in any society tend to be percussion instruments, and this is no exception for Japan (Leong 1). Reference to a drum can be traced as far back as the eighth century, with the mythical tales of the creation of the Japanese nation and its gods in the Nihongi. When Amaterasu dwelt secluded in the Rock-cave of Heaven, one of the eighty myriads of Gods skillfully performed a mimic dance to lure her out, making use of the Sakaki tree, club-moss, and a tub turned upright in the manner of a drum (Chamberlain 31). In addition to these ancient written myths, and considered the oldest taiko resource material in Japan, is the Haniwa figure from the sixth or seventh century entitled "Man beating the Taiko". The man in this clay figure holds a tube, covered on both ends with skin and hung from his shoulder at hip length (Ochi 1). This style of play closely resembles that of China and Korea, and it is possible that it was introduced into Japan from these countries starting from around the fifth century by following the paths of Buddhism and theatrical arts such as Gagaku, the traditional Japanese court music (Fromartz 1). While the cultural influences from abroad had declined by around the year 900, the development of these drums continued by native Japanese craftsman, and while still resembling those of China and Korea, the instruments began to take on their own unique form in the style of the Japanese taiko (Rolling Thunder 2).

With its potential roots lying in early Shinto, Buddhism, and the theatrical arts, it is not surprising that traditional uses of taiko are found within these realms as well. Taiko has been used in religious ceremonies, both Buddhist and Shinto, since these religious beliefs arrived in Japan. The power of the taiko had long been associated with the gods and consequently a belief developed that only holy men could beat the drum. The taiko, therefore, were some of the only instruments found in temples and shrines (Rolling Thunder 2). Being made from cowhide stretched over a hollowed out tree trunk, taiko are made completely from elements of the earth, giving the drums a living character and contributing to its status as a holy instrument. For some Buddhist sects, the taiko was used to represent the voice of Buddha, while in some fishing and farming villages, the taiko was used to offer prayers to please the kami in hopes that they would bring good harvests and catches to the village (Takata 2). Because many festivals and celebrations have religious roots as well, taiko of various forms have also been found in this context. The religious influence on these events has diminished in recent times, however, taiko still remain an important part in various matsuri and O-Bon celebrations. Taiko has also always, since its introduction, been used in such cultural settings as in the imperial court music, Gagaku, as mentioned previously, as well as in other traditional arts, such as the theatrical works of Noh and Kabuki (Takata 2) and in traditional Japanese music, or Hogaku (Kamachi 80-82). Going back even further, however, and reputably one of the first uses of taiko in Japan, was as a battlefield instrument—its loud, booming sound being the only instrument that could be heard across the battlefield to coordinate movements and intimidate the enemy (Rolling Thunder 2). Taking advantage of this loud sound, taiko were also used as a symbol of rural communities where, instead of using "geographical barriers," villages were marked off by the furthest distance from which the village drum could be heard (Leong 1).

While the specific type of taiko found in each of these settings varies from the small, beautifully decorated drums used in a Gagaku performance to the large odaiko played in festival music, all these early uses are similar in that they all share characteristics that define traditional taiko. While taiko existed in all different shapes and tones, never were they used simultaneously as an ensemble. As a single drum located in the center of a village or as a single musician playing in a kabuki play, the taiko was usually played alone. The rhythms and melodies served as accompaniment and background and were often repetitious and unchallenging. Although taiko could evoke energy and excitement in the context of festivals or battles, it was the event and atmosphere, more so than the taiko playing itself, which stimulated these emotions. Although greatly diminished, many of the traditional forms of taiko playing mentioned still exist in parts of Japan, and they still are important factors in defining Japanese culture. The majority of taiko playing seen today, however, derives from a relatively new, postwar implementation of kumi-daiko, or ensemble drumming (Rolling Thunder 3). In contrast to the individualistic, "background" nature of traditional taiko playing, kumi-daiko is a unique mix of traditional taiko roots with the modern flair of choreography, new rhythms, and with the consideration of a group as an ensemble of a variety of drums. The catalyst for this shift to incorporate traditional roots with modern ideals can largely be traced to the societal views on westernization and the reaction to post-WWII conditions in the mid 20^th century.

In the aftermath of WWII, Japan was faced with the "miserable reality of defeat" (Barshay 336). During the Allied Occupation following the conclusion of WWII in 1945, Japan was led through an extensive series of reforms including a new constitution, democratization, a new system of education, land reforms, a lessening in the force of authority of Japan’s traditional patriarchical family system, ie, as well as the renunciation of divinity by the emperor believed by the people to be a kami (Japan 79, 198). Amidst these reforms were the reemergence of Westernization and a destruction of many traditional Japanese views and beliefs. These changes shocked much of the nation, already exhausted and emotionally defeated, and provided the need to revive and reaffirm a sense of national identity. Instead of rushing to find fault in the nation and its symbols, it was necessary to get beyond "self-humiliation" and "reawaken a sense of national mission" (Barshay 336). For the Japanese, this meant following the trend of the late nineteenth century reaction against the sudden and extreme Western influences, and moving towards a "return to Japan," and the rediscovery of an identity of its own (Sukehiro 88, 97). One way in which this was achieved was through a re-exploration of traditional folk arts and in this context, a re-exploration of taiko

The current taiko "boom," which has dominated the last quarter of a century, stems from the modern kumi-daiko form and can be credited to its creator, Daihachi Oguchi (Rolling Thunder 3). Daihachi Oguchi was a student during the war, and was drafted and sent to China where he was taken prisoner. Returning home to Suwa City in 1947, two years after Japan’s surrender, Oguchi acted on his love of jazz and formed a local band in which he was the drummer (Takata 2). A few years later, a relative found an old document in a soybean warehouse, and believing it to be a musical score for taiko, brought it to Oguchi who he hoped would use his drumming knowledge to decipher it. With the help of town elders, the circles and check marks were determined to stand for various taiko beats and the taiko score was revealed (Oguchi 18-21). Oguchi, having a passion for drums and music, but no experience with taiko, wanted to perform the old deciphered music for the Osuwa Shrine (Rolling Thunder 3). Visiting antique stores and borrowing old drums, Oguchi began to build up a collection of drums and a group to play them (Oguchi). After hearing the piece played in its "authentic" form, Oguchi used his jazz drumming experience to make what he found to be a monotonous piece into something more interesting (Takata 2). In general, post-WWII times caused stylistic changes in music as a whole, making it more "daring" and "extroverted" and opened up room for experimentation (Schwartz 44). As Elliot Schwartz notes, what is so unique about Japan, in this field, is that "Japan’s culture fuses its old political, social, and artistic practices with modern-day trends of the Western world." While not speaking specifically about taiko in his statement, this is, in a sense, exactly what Oguchi did as be began to "jazz" up taiko.

With his drumming background, Oguchi had always wondered why taiko was not played in groups as an ensemble, and it is here that he made the first break from tradition (Rolling Thunder 3). Oguchi added new rhythms and, to accommodate the inexperienced, non-professional players he had gathered up, divided up the rhythms into multiple, simple patterns. He took taiko of various sizes, and assigned specific roles to each "musical voice." Some players’ parts even involved using several taiko at once arranged in the style of a jazz set (Rolling Thunder 3). The odaiko played a simple grounding pulse, the high-pitched shime carried the ji (background rhythm), and a variety of nagado-daiko played the melodic parts (Rolling Thunder 3). When the drums available to him were no longer suitable, as they were drums meant for use in festivals and not as performing instruments, he began to create his own drums, and auxiliary instruments as well, to better fit his needs. One of his distinguishing creations was adding the metallic sound of the bell-like tetsu-zutsu (cannon), to top off his ensemble. This ensemble-type playing "enabled Oguchi to increase the musical complexity of his pieces exponentially" and "at the same time, it provided a means for large numbers of people to participate with relative ease" (Takata 2). By 1951, Oguchi had established his own ensemble group, Osuwa-Daiko, and the beginning of this new age of kumi-daiko had begun.

Taiko as Oguchi taught it was a spectacle in and of itself—a true performance art—not needing the theater or religion to support it. Oguchi’s taiko music was "something completely different and fresh" (Takata 2). While some older citizens looked down upon the way taiko had shifted from its traditional Japanese form, the rest of the population enjoyed and admired the change and the exciting and dramatic performances became instant hits in many parts of Japan. The popularity of the new style spread quickly, and with the advent of Japanese television, the exposure and popularity grew even more rapidly. The peace treaty of 1952 restored independence and more vigorously prompted a search for a new self-identity in the country. Still in conflict between the "longing for the prewar traditions and a deep regret and denial of what had happened during the war," many sought this self-identity in the modernized traditional art of taiko (Takata 3). The economic boom of the Korean war also helped to spur on the growth both of the nation as a whole, and with it, the new art itself (Takata 3).

During this time, many groups were formed, both within communities and associated with shrines and temples. One such group, Sukeroku Daiko, was founded in 1959 at the Yushima Tenjin Shrine (Rolling Thunder 3). After learning the basic Osuwa techniques from Oguchi, they added they own flair, and created a dynamic playing style emphasizing speed, choreography, and "flashy" solos, adding these new components to the ongoing taiko movement (Rolling Thunder 3). At one point, the group split into two, one of which became known as Oedo Sukeroku Daiko. This group was credited as being the first professional taiko group and has since served as a model for taiko groups everywhere (Rolling Thunder 3). A style of drumming used extensively in modern groups, the Sukeroku style, with the drumhead placed at a forty-five degree angle to the ground, is derived from this influential Tokyo-based group. With all the modifications occurring, taiko had become a distinctive Japanese art, defining an identity different from the Chinese and Korean drums that had served as its roots.

The culmination of the growth and redevelopment of the now "modern" Japanese nation came with the Olympic games held in Tokyo in 1964. At the games, a special presentation of "Festival of the Arts" was added to celebrate the traditional Japanese performing arts. Kabuki, Noh, and performers of traditional songs were featured at this presentation. In addition, the new taiko groups, among which was Osuwa taiko, were invited to perform (Takata 3). On this international stage, Japan showed the world its reconstructed nation and the importance of the traditional arts to the establishment of this new self-identity. For Oguchi and his taiko group, this international exposure led to requests from around the country asking Oguchi to lead various ensembles, and he consequently spent the next several years spreading his "Osuwa method" (Takata 3). Many rural areas and small villages requested Oguchi’s instruction to teach taiko skills so as to serve as a means of "restructuring" the village. As Japan modernized, many people moved out of the rural regions and into the big cities. In an attempt to appeal to the young people to stay in their small towns, the villages hoped to establish taiko groups of their own. The purpose for the creation of these groups, however, was not only to keep its residents in, but also to attract visitors from the outside (Oguchi 210-235). The Cultural Artifacts Preservation Law was modified in 1975 to include local festivals, arts, and even customs, among cultural artifacts. The central government, therefore, provided financial support for festivals to be put on by local governments, and in the 1980s, even began providing local communities with "large sums of money for ‘community promotion.’" Taiko, being seen as a way to generate more excitement within the community and being an activity that appealed to many as being fun to watch and participate in, became a chief beneficiary of these funds. Communities would form groups and then put on cultural festivals and gatherings to showcase their regional groups and talents (Takata 3-4).

While taiko has served as one factor in the establishment of regional identities among small communities as well as a national identity in Japan as a whole, the influence of this new art form extends well beyond the tiny island. Having been brought along with Japanese immigrants, taiko has been in the United States since the early part of the twentieth century. Prior to 1968, however, taiko was used mostly as miya-daiko (temple drums) and in the dojo of various martial arts such as kendo, judo, and karate as well as in the form of accompaniment for minyo dance groups and bon odori (Rolling Thunder 4). However, with the onset of WWII, particularly following Pearl Harbor, the display of Japanese culture in the U.S came to an abrupt end. Predominantly on the west coast, where a large population of Japanese-Americans resided, the incarceration camps forced assimilation and cultural genocides, crushed the dignity of the Nikkei community, and associated shame and suspicion with anything Japanese (Shikuma-"Modern" 1). To counter the notion circulating at this time that Nikkei children should be ashamed of their Japanese heritage, taiko began in the United States, and Canada as well, as a means of "asserting one’s identity and, initially at least, a means of defining oneself in opposition to the prevalent stereotypes and expectations of society" (Shikuma-"Modern" 1). To fight the stereotype of the assimilated, "quiet Japanese," the Japanese-American society responded with an art form, that was "anything but quiet" (Fromartz 2) and that, while drawing on traditional Japanese culture, was modified to signify a shift towards the future.

This future, unknowingly, rested largely on the shoulders of Seiichi Tanaka. Tanaka had intended to come to San Francisco from Japan in 1967 to pursue a martial arts career, but when he arrived, his career followed a different path (Fromartz 1). He attended a local Cherry Blossom Festival and noticed that there were no taiko drums involved in the celebration. These were instruments that had been used in such events throughout the history of taiko, and Tanaka himself remembered the joys of trying to play them as a child. Surprised by this absence and eager to allow others the same opportunity that he had in experiencing taiko, Tanaka borrowed drums from a local Buddhist temple and organized a group of players within the next year. With a background in the Osuwa style, and with a martial arts philosophy of intense physical training and, "disciplined and graceful movements," the San Francisco Taiko Dojo, the first North American taiko group was formed in 1968 (Rolling Thunder 4). Tanaka and his group became the inspiration for many Japanese Americans and for the formation of most of the taiko groups throughout North America. Snowballing off the model of the "Tanaka style," many other groups began to form, especially on the Pacific coast. Among these, Kinnara Taiko of Los Angeles was a "uniquely American hybrid—Japanese American Buddhist taiko," formed in 1969, and San Jose Taiko, formed in 1973, "focused on making taiko a Japanese-American art form" (Rolling Thunder 4). Many of these initially small groups have gone on to become professional and to share North American taiko throughout the country and even the world.

Taiko now had its foot in the door. The few taiko groups formed on the west coast of the U.S. in the late 60’s and 70’s were just the beginning of a powerful movement. Oguchi-sensei, having traveled extensively throughout Japan spreading his kumi-daiko style, now extended his boundaries to include those of other countries. He trained groups in Canada, France, Singapore, and Indonesia, and within the United States, started groups in Chicago, and in the 1980’s, in Suwa’s sister city of St. Louis. At the time of publication of his book in 1987, Oguchi-sensei had been responsible for directly training 197 groups, both within Japan and abroad (Oguchi 305-314). These groups benefited not only from his knowledge but also from the drums he donated from his factory in Japan. As a set of drums needed to support these larger taiko ensembles can easily reach $80,000, nearly all of the new taiko groups formed in the United States, outside of those directly founded by Oguchi-sensei, relied on the developments and innovations of Tanaka and Kinnara Taiko and their idea of making taiko from oak wine barrels (Fromartz 2). Much more economical and almost as efficient as their Japanese counterparts, this implementation allowed the formation of all types of new taiko groups. Not only were there groups directly taught by masters such as Oguchi and Tanaka, but there were also many "backyard" taiko groups formed mostly at various Buddhist temples and universities around the country. Since the taiko community was so tightly knit, new groups usually learned to play through workshops with the professionals or by watching more established groups. As a result of this flexibility, a broad range of group styles were created and, while concentrated on the west coast, they span the entire country, from California to New York and from Portland to Texas.

These "American" taiko groups, while developing their own styles, also rely on the continuing influences from Japan. Kodo, formed in 1981 as an offshoot to Ondekoza which itself was formed in 1969, is undoubtedly one of the premiere taiko groups in Japan and tours extensively internationally (Rolling Thunder 3-4). Kodo is based on Sado, a small island off the western coast of Japan, where the group members live a life of taiko and practice an extensive appreciation for all traditional Japanese arts and customs. These members live and train together, spending one third of the year on Sado, one-third of the year touring Japan, and one-third of the year touring abroad. Besides providing inspirational performances, Kodo also serves as a model system for the teamwork and unity that are so important to the modern day taiko ensemble. Using taiko as a means of expression, Kodo has tried hard to extend the art form beyond Japan and to create a "universal art" (Takata 4). Taiko groups in the U.S. look towards groups like Kodo for inspiration, and they give it generously, "applauding the American style" and creativity that these groups have incorporated into their sets. Performances by Kodo to sold-out crowds throughout the world have been one of the driving forces in the spread of interest in taiko beyond the Japanese border.

Rough estimates have indicated that there are currently 5,000 taiko groups in Japan, (Takata 1) and at least another 100 groups in North America (Shikuma-"Second" 1). Initially fueled by the post-war "counter-culture movement" leading towards a desire to reexamine the traditional folk arts (Fromartz 1), the objective of most of the groups that have since formed extends this movement beyond the Japanese and Japanese-American communities. Taiko is more than just an escape from the pressures of post-war assimilation and has become a general means of expression and a uniquely different art form. Its blend of traditional and modern musical rhythms with dance, choreography, endurance, and energy is a truly eclectic experience that appeals to all audiences. Taiko groups today are made up of a wide spectrum of members from different racial and cultural backgrounds and crosses a wide range of age groups, from children as young as four or five to community groups of elder taiko enthusiasts. As these groups have changed demographically, they have provided new elements to the formation of the "American style" and ultimately to the creation of the new "universal taiko." Beyond its historically traditional uses in festivals and Japanese theater, taiko can be seen today, even beyond its modern home on theater stages across the world. Its sound can also be found on shelves of common music and video stores, in documentaries, and even in soundtracks and on the big screen of feature films. The limits of taiko are constantly being challenged with new ideas building as times change. Taiko has in fact come a long way from its traditional roots, but "the beat of taiko" still goes on and challenges the realms of popular music.
 

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^{Special thanks to Misako Suzuki, Lecturer in Japanese Language at Washington University in St. Louis, for her help in the translation of parts of this book.}
 

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